Why people obey?

The sources of political power in any society are: authority, human resources, skills and knowledge, intangible factors, material resources, and sanctions. All these are provided by the cooperation and obedience of the population and institutions in the society. Therefore, by withdrawing the needed cooperation and obedience, the power of any regime can be weakened and potentially destroyed. The theory is represented that even oppressive regimes depend on the cooperation and obedience of the ruled population. It then turns to examine why people obey.

How the population is going to recover its power and achieve justice is highlighted, whether by nonviolent or violent means. The classes of methods of nonviolent action include, protest and persuasion, noncooperation (social, economic, and political), and intervention. The mechanisms of change in this technique reviewed as conversion, accommodation, nonviolent coercion, and disintegration.

Attention is then given to the contaminants that operate to wreck the operation of nonviolent struggle: violence, disunity, appearance of exclusiveness, presence of foreign nationals within the movement, active participation of military forces in political processes. Also discussed are problems posed by an ill-suited organizational structure, secrecy, and agents provocateurs.

Various developments in communications technology have in recent years been greatly facilitating the spread of ideas and information world-wide. This has supplied access to information about nonviolent struggle to populations whose rulers do not appreciate this development. New technologies have also facilitated communication among dissenting populations and the sharing of information with the outside world. Naturally, highly undemocratic regimes are unhappy with these developments and seek means to control or halt them. Their means, however, have proven to be inadequate. These types of technologies are constantly developing and innovating so that reliable analyses and recommendations for their use by groups facing conflicts must also continue to develop and expand.

It should not be assumed that if credible information about nonviolent struggle becomes readily available to the previously weaker side in a conflict, or if that group may even adopt this alternative, that the dominant group will welcome such moves. Quite to the contrary, there have been important evidences that oppressive regimes are sometimes alarmed. In 1995 and 1996 the Burmese military dictators (called the SLORC) many times in newspapers, radio, and other means of communication denounced ‘political defiance’.

Although political defiance is said to be nonviolent, it is the conspiracy that
will lead to violence and anarchy to disintegrate the Union. If the State
Law and Order Restoration Council was a weak and stupid government, it
would not be able to withstand the attacks of political defiance. The Union
would be disintegrated.

In facing the future, and preparing for it, there is another option in place of improvisation and spontaneity: deliberate steps to increase the effectiveness of nonviolent action. This option requires increased understanding of its major characteristics, capacity, requirements, and strategic principles. This makes possible wise strategic planning—that is identifying the characteristics of the present situation, what needs to be done, why, when, and how to do it, and how to counter the opponents' actions and repression.

Beneficial changes in the conditions of the conflict, and in the relative power of the contending groups, can be produced by actions of the nonviolent struggle group. These can be achieved principally through the skillful choice and application of wise strategy. Wise strategy can greatly increase the effectiveness of nonviolent struggle and its capacity to undermine oppression. Strategic nonviolent struggle can be targeted to apply the strengths of the resisting population against the weaknesses of the opponents in order to change power relationships. The oppressed population can be strengthened, the domination can be undermined, and highly repressive regimes can be weakened, and even disintegrated. As the population’s strength grows, it becomes possible for them to move from defeats, to initial small victories, to large successes.


Gene Sharp, The politics of non-violent action, www.sant.ox.ac.uk