The Conservative Political Parties in Iran
The Two Conservative Political Parties of Iran
The clear cut contestation of the Teachers of Theology Association TTA, of Ghom (religious city) with seventh Parliament headed by non clergies has revealed officially the disagreement between the two right parties. The gap between the two conservative parties, Issargaran (militias pro leader) and Osulgarayan (traditionalist including Judiciary and Bazaar), initially was discovered at the time of introducing the list of candidates for the Parliament election. Although conservatives tried to appear homogenous and unified but eventually the Islamic Coalition Association in their manifest paper blamed the other groups of not respecting the elderly by excluding the true revolutionaries from candidacy. To this end, Mohammad Kazem Anbarloui revealed that despite the peaceful step back of Habibollah Assgaroladi and Assadollah Badamchian, the two prominent members of the Coalition Party from the candidacy, it was not as quiet as it may seem behind the scene. However after the unexpected triumph to seize the seventh Parliament, the conservatives now are about to distribute the remunerations of such celestial victory. It is recalled that Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri representing the Fighter Clergies Society FCS (Jameh Rohaniyat Mobarez) made remarks on the number of clergies inclusive in the list of candidates of Abadgaran who now after the victory are seeking their hidden supporters.
1) The traditionalists namely the oldest conservative groups of Iran are ruled by group of clergies, members of the FCS and TTA. These two institutions although are not known as political parties but during the past 25 years have proved to be the most powerful political groups. The traditionalists are supported by Bazaar’s Coalition Party having somehow adhered to the Jurisprudent leadership. The Coalition Party during the past 40 years with the supervision of clergies and financial provisions of Imam (highest religious figure) as well as some other religious funds has been administrated with its unquestioning traditional support for the clergies. This was the main reason for excluding the Coalition Party out of the seventh Parliament election along with some more important reasons such as “Ideological grounds”.
The ideology of traditionalists is encompassed into conservatism line where both element of ownership and religion play major role. Clergies preserve the religion institution and Bazaar supports the possession institution. The FCS and TTA representing the former institution while the Coalition Party the latter. Traditionalists in their hierarchal politics approve the ultimate supervision of the clergies while the implementation and management are preserved for Bazaar. The cooperation between these two political institutions, in the contemporary history, has led to dramatic changes in the political scene. The conducive results were evident in the Constitutional and National movements as well as uprising of 15 Khordad on 1963 and the most important one the 1979 Islamic Revolution. However there was only one move when the political Bazaar institution (Coalition Party) did not support the religion institution during the election of 5th Parliament that was demonstrated in the resignation of Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani from the position of Secretary General of FCS which brought about huge defeat for the right wing. Subsequently even the renew conversions for the president candidacy of Ayatollah Nategnouri, on 1997did not yield satisfactory result. The context of collective headship of clergies with its dependence on the Jurisprudent Leadership obstructs the individualistic decision makings. In fact the traditionalists invariably are governed by a board of director comprised of the three mentioned groups which has directed to systematic stratiform acts based on collective wisdom (compared with the traditional middle class). The traditional middle class in Iran have sustained its base on Trade (the approved and desired economic activity), Clergies (the only interpreter of religious ideology) and recently the Jurisprudent Leadership (supported by the religious elites) consequently on the governance of the clergies. To this end, they have concession on the Executive, Judicial and Legislation powers to be headed by clergies as was the case during the past 25 years. Since the religious clothing would then assure the connection and support.
2) Abadgaran or fundamentalists are the new right wings who would then be recognized as marginalized conservative groups. They have managed to take hold of the city council election with the least publicity and called for the other right wings to follow. Consequently in the seventh newly elected Parliament they headed the majority in the Assembly where they were privileged to determine shares of other conservative groups. The Abadgaran Coalition is the key political institution of the fundamentalists that is backed by the vigilantes Anssar Hesbollah.
Just as traditionalists emphasis on the relation between the Religion and Bazaar institutions, the same is put forward for the fundamentalists to emphasize on the relation between the State and the Religion. For the traditionalists the institution of State is a new phenomenon that during past decades has always been far reached. However Abadgaran in their political establishment have merely defined their objective to seize the State power. According to fundamentalists, it is only through the State that social justice can be institutionalized. Monitoring the assets and collecting taxes are only possible when the State is under their administration. From the other hand, the State should be representing and the symbol of religion institution which does not have its origin in any specific social class. Their perception of religion is not colored by class approach. According to fundamentalists, the religion has single interpretation expressed by one person as the Jurisprudent Leader. Therefore they don’t see any reason why clergies should hold other positions of power. The efficiency of administrators endorsed by the Leader is sufficient for proper Islamic governance. To this end the clergy clothing should not be the criteria for efficiency and expertise; while the closest to the Jurisprudent Leader will ripe the reward and hopefully an Islamic ‘Japan’ will be established. In fact Abadgaran are representing the social class of revolutionary petit bourgeoisie of Iran. They are frustrated by marginalization and seek greater role in the governance to bring unity to the political and religious slogans. For Abadgaran the aristocratic structure of traditionalists has an autocratic interpretation. Fundamentalists are defining themselves as true interpreters of Jurisprudent leadership theory.
In a brief assessment it appears that fundamentalists have wider representation in the Parliament although the traditionalists have stronger social influence among the mass. The fact is that determining which social class of revolutionary petit bourgeoisie or traditional bourgeoisie have voted for the list of candidates of Abadgaran is not possible. This is why once a while Abadgaran reminds the defeat of the candidates proposed by Traditionalists, while on the other hand, the latter would also remind other conservative groups of their power in other official institutions that prepared the ground for such a victory of the right wing in the Parliament.
However the role of other group called Kargozaran (the Functionaries) supported by Ayatollah Rafsanjani in electing the head of the legislation power should not be renounced. The mentioned group titled as Independent Servers is sharing a saucepan that other groups have also made their contribution; while the food is ready for consumption but the fair share of each party is not actually measurable. The Functionary group would not be supporting any of the ideological differences mentioned above. The ideological gap was the first divide between the two conservative parties after the victory in the seventh Parliament election. Other major gaps have also been revealing subsequent to economic proposals set forth for discussion in the Parliament which are revealing the social class identities of the components of two political conservative parties. Therefore the actuality of two right wing conservative groups is on the horizon.
The clear cut contestation of the Teachers of Theology Association TTA, of Ghom (religious city) with seventh Parliament headed by non clergies has revealed officially the disagreement between the two right parties. The gap between the two conservative parties, Issargaran (militias pro leader) and Osulgarayan (traditionalist including Judiciary and Bazaar), initially was discovered at the time of introducing the list of candidates for the Parliament election. Although conservatives tried to appear homogenous and unified but eventually the Islamic Coalition Association in their manifest paper blamed the other groups of not respecting the elderly by excluding the true revolutionaries from candidacy. To this end, Mohammad Kazem Anbarloui revealed that despite the peaceful step back of Habibollah Assgaroladi and Assadollah Badamchian, the two prominent members of the Coalition Party from the candidacy, it was not as quiet as it may seem behind the scene. However after the unexpected triumph to seize the seventh Parliament, the conservatives now are about to distribute the remunerations of such celestial victory. It is recalled that Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri representing the Fighter Clergies Society FCS (Jameh Rohaniyat Mobarez) made remarks on the number of clergies inclusive in the list of candidates of Abadgaran who now after the victory are seeking their hidden supporters.
1) The traditionalists namely the oldest conservative groups of Iran are ruled by group of clergies, members of the FCS and TTA. These two institutions although are not known as political parties but during the past 25 years have proved to be the most powerful political groups. The traditionalists are supported by Bazaar’s Coalition Party having somehow adhered to the Jurisprudent leadership. The Coalition Party during the past 40 years with the supervision of clergies and financial provisions of Imam (highest religious figure) as well as some other religious funds has been administrated with its unquestioning traditional support for the clergies. This was the main reason for excluding the Coalition Party out of the seventh Parliament election along with some more important reasons such as “Ideological grounds”.
The ideology of traditionalists is encompassed into conservatism line where both element of ownership and religion play major role. Clergies preserve the religion institution and Bazaar supports the possession institution. The FCS and TTA representing the former institution while the Coalition Party the latter. Traditionalists in their hierarchal politics approve the ultimate supervision of the clergies while the implementation and management are preserved for Bazaar. The cooperation between these two political institutions, in the contemporary history, has led to dramatic changes in the political scene. The conducive results were evident in the Constitutional and National movements as well as uprising of 15 Khordad on 1963 and the most important one the 1979 Islamic Revolution. However there was only one move when the political Bazaar institution (Coalition Party) did not support the religion institution during the election of 5th Parliament that was demonstrated in the resignation of Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani from the position of Secretary General of FCS which brought about huge defeat for the right wing. Subsequently even the renew conversions for the president candidacy of Ayatollah Nategnouri, on 1997did not yield satisfactory result. The context of collective headship of clergies with its dependence on the Jurisprudent Leadership obstructs the individualistic decision makings. In fact the traditionalists invariably are governed by a board of director comprised of the three mentioned groups which has directed to systematic stratiform acts based on collective wisdom (compared with the traditional middle class). The traditional middle class in Iran have sustained its base on Trade (the approved and desired economic activity), Clergies (the only interpreter of religious ideology) and recently the Jurisprudent Leadership (supported by the religious elites) consequently on the governance of the clergies. To this end, they have concession on the Executive, Judicial and Legislation powers to be headed by clergies as was the case during the past 25 years. Since the religious clothing would then assure the connection and support.
2) Abadgaran or fundamentalists are the new right wings who would then be recognized as marginalized conservative groups. They have managed to take hold of the city council election with the least publicity and called for the other right wings to follow. Consequently in the seventh newly elected Parliament they headed the majority in the Assembly where they were privileged to determine shares of other conservative groups. The Abadgaran Coalition is the key political institution of the fundamentalists that is backed by the vigilantes Anssar Hesbollah.
Just as traditionalists emphasis on the relation between the Religion and Bazaar institutions, the same is put forward for the fundamentalists to emphasize on the relation between the State and the Religion. For the traditionalists the institution of State is a new phenomenon that during past decades has always been far reached. However Abadgaran in their political establishment have merely defined their objective to seize the State power. According to fundamentalists, it is only through the State that social justice can be institutionalized. Monitoring the assets and collecting taxes are only possible when the State is under their administration. From the other hand, the State should be representing and the symbol of religion institution which does not have its origin in any specific social class. Their perception of religion is not colored by class approach. According to fundamentalists, the religion has single interpretation expressed by one person as the Jurisprudent Leader. Therefore they don’t see any reason why clergies should hold other positions of power. The efficiency of administrators endorsed by the Leader is sufficient for proper Islamic governance. To this end the clergy clothing should not be the criteria for efficiency and expertise; while the closest to the Jurisprudent Leader will ripe the reward and hopefully an Islamic ‘Japan’ will be established. In fact Abadgaran are representing the social class of revolutionary petit bourgeoisie of Iran. They are frustrated by marginalization and seek greater role in the governance to bring unity to the political and religious slogans. For Abadgaran the aristocratic structure of traditionalists has an autocratic interpretation. Fundamentalists are defining themselves as true interpreters of Jurisprudent leadership theory.
In a brief assessment it appears that fundamentalists have wider representation in the Parliament although the traditionalists have stronger social influence among the mass. The fact is that determining which social class of revolutionary petit bourgeoisie or traditional bourgeoisie have voted for the list of candidates of Abadgaran is not possible. This is why once a while Abadgaran reminds the defeat of the candidates proposed by Traditionalists, while on the other hand, the latter would also remind other conservative groups of their power in other official institutions that prepared the ground for such a victory of the right wing in the Parliament.
However the role of other group called Kargozaran (the Functionaries) supported by Ayatollah Rafsanjani in electing the head of the legislation power should not be renounced. The mentioned group titled as Independent Servers is sharing a saucepan that other groups have also made their contribution; while the food is ready for consumption but the fair share of each party is not actually measurable. The Functionary group would not be supporting any of the ideological differences mentioned above. The ideological gap was the first divide between the two conservative parties after the victory in the seventh Parliament election. Other major gaps have also been revealing subsequent to economic proposals set forth for discussion in the Parliament which are revealing the social class identities of the components of two political conservative parties. Therefore the actuality of two right wing conservative groups is on the horizon.
posted by Unknown @ 1:51 AM
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