Ethno politics in the New Europe

What makes ethnicity politically explosive in some places and not in others? It is contended that political leaders and political parties are a crucially important variable in shaping the course of ethnic politics. They react to the incentive presented by the political institution and intensify the potentials already existed spatially. Where there are signs of ethnic resentments then the incentives is proliferated by these institutions, for their leaders to tap into these resentments for political gain. Political leadership, charisma of the leader and international trend are crucial variables to whip moderate resentments into strong political demands setting entirely different agenda. Political leaders, however, cannot manufacture resentments that are not already present and cannot ignore completely severe inequities that face ethnic groups in a society. The Turkish movement for rights and freedoms in Bulgaria, the Hungarian parties in Slovakia, the Russophone parties in Estonia and Latvia, the Flemish Volksunic and Vlaams Blok in Belgium, and the Scottish National Party in Britain have this in common. Their leaders calculated whether to appeal to the sense of ethnic resentment among their constituents or to downplay it on the basis of the political possibilities presented by the political institutions of their society.

There is much to be learned from the choices made by leaders to encourage or downplay the ethnic issue, since there is nothing natural about ethnic conflict. The post Cold War era has given rise to a new dogma which holds that the new world order has unleashed primordial conflicts. The making political integration and democracy nigh on impossible. From this perspective violence follows ethnic tensions, while the old system of states taken unnatural. Recognition of natural differences, local trends and culture, divide up the real estate to provide different peoples with their own homelands. Economic, social, political and historical factors can lead to the rise of extreme national sentiment and intense feelings of anger over current political arrangements. Certainly the actions of individual parties can be set off a chain reaction leading to an ethnic explosion. Nonetheless, there are just as many instances where an ethnically based political movement does not lobby for an ethnically pure homeland or political separation but seeks to behave democratically. In ethnically divided societies, the introduction democratic competition and expanded political participation has often led to disintegrative ethnic conflict. Thus, democratization in Eastern Europe given way to the greater appeal for all encompassing nationalist slogans, especially in a context of permanent struggle with the enemy furthering the conflict driven social relation. Nevertheless, even when the opportunities presented by waging war or regime change push the ethno political party into making extreme demand, these demands may be tempered overtime, especially if democratic transition is successful and there is a period of democratic consolidation. Nationalism plays an important role in social communication or the transmission of the culture of a people across territory and through history, this is particularly important in societies undergoing modernization that uproots traditional systems of social solidarity, requiring new concept of community the structure of group relations as a sociocultural factor impacts the quality of resentments. There are condition of superordinate versus subordinate or unranked system where parallel ethnic groups coexist, each internally stratified. Resentments in ranked systems, when they emerge are couched in terms of class conflict and demands for redistribution of resources because the issues of ethnicity and class are intertwined. In addition, changes in the international environment has major impact on the political view of utility in pursuing accommodationist or separatist end.
There are three types of elites that comprise any nationalist movement who react differently towards nationalism and towards the central state, according to Kellas: a political elite “comprising politicians, civil servants and military”; the cultural elite, especially teachers, writers and clergy and the economic elite comprising businessmen and trade union leaders. The cultural elite is most likely to be inclined toward the extreme to promote an idealized national identity upon which their careers depend. While economic elite does not wish to severe its links with market, the role of political elite is crucial in the balance of power.

In the case of Bulgaria during the Zhivkor era in 80s, the existence of minority groups was officially denied and thousand of non Bulgarians were subjected to a series of Bulgarization campaigns. Ethnic Turks have long played an important role in Bulgarian history. Being part of Ottoman Empire Bulgaria has been intimately connected with Turkey and Islam. From 1912 to 193 Bulgaria engaged in two wars. In the first war, it combined with the other new Balkan states to drive the Turkish forces out of the region. In the second war it was defeated by the combined forces of Serbia and Greece and lost territories in Macedonia. The large Turkish population left in Bulgaria constitute the largest of minority populations (10% of population) including Gypsies and Pomaks (Muslims), Jews, and Armenians. For the most part ethnic Turks live in agrarian areas, primarily in the tobacco-growing Kardzhali region in south central Bulgaria and Razgrad-Shumen in north-eastern Bulgaria. Most of the Turkish population live in the provinces of Ruse, Varna, and Shumen in the north and Burgas and Haskovo in the south and form a majority in eight sub provinces, four of which are in northern Bulgaria and four in the south. Bulgarian regime had been reasonably tolerant of its minority populations. The adoption in 1971 of a new socialist constitution marked the beginning of a period of cultural intolerance and efforts at the forced assimilation of the Turks. During the period of liberalization (1989), the government reversed itself and allowed ethnic Turks to revert to their old names, practice Islam and speak Turkish in public. Following the democratic changes in Bulgaria an estimated 120,000 to 180,000 Turks returned to Bulgaria. However many Bulgarians still currently regard the ethnic Turkish minority as a potential Trojan hous e and a Turkish fifth column on Bulgaria territory, a sentiment that is most powerful in the south eastern region of the country.

With the dissolution of Warsaw Pact, Bulgaria no longer has the means to defend itself against Turkey’s superior armed forces. In a nation wide survey conducted in 1994, respondents were asked whether they would be willing to accept a Turk or Roma as a neighbour; 35% said they would not, 32% would not accept as colleagues at work and 52% as close friend and 77% as a relative by marriage. Many of the current problems are the result of the legacy of ill conceived economic policies of the communist regime. The Council of Mutual Economic Assistance CME accused one of the most crushing foreign debt burdens among the communist states. The gross agricultural production fell by 16.3 % in 1993 marked the loss of important markets for Bulgarian products - tobacco and wine. Many villages in the tobacco producing regions of the south east have been entirely abandoned, many have left for Turkey but emigration has become unofficially restricted by Turkey. Bulgarian nationalist parties like the Fatherland of labour and the Bulgarian National Radical see Bulgaria as the primary battle ground in the difense of Eu against Islam. It is widely understood that western politics and economic support is likely to depend on Bulgarian policies toward minority groups. Hence, major political parties are cautious of national minority rights. The Movement for Rights and Freedom MRF represents a classic case of an accomodationist ethno political party.. Until 94 MRF represented a broad coalition of Bulgarian Turkish politicians, ranging from those who favoured some form of national-cultural autonomy to those who wished to maintain the commitment to multiethnic principles.

References:
Kellas, J.G., The politics of nationalism and ethnicity, 1991, New York
Krause, S., Elections reveal blue cities amid red provinces, transition 9 no 29 (1995)
Engelbrekt, Kjell, The movement for rights and freedom, report on East Europe 2, no 48 (1995)
Wyzam, M., Bulgaria a country study, in Hardt and Kaufman, eds. 1995